Just right after British colonial powers let the so-called Old Sudan regime go for independence for self governance and self-determinations to monopolize powers independently from overseas Boma-like stockade administrations without legitimate working governmental structures put in place in the areas of South Sudan residences. And South Sudan regional people probably were not explicitly entitled and were also not part of colonial independent, power monopoly, proper wealth sharing, border demarcations, and religious freedoms, and river Nile authority arrangements.
Few angry and dissatisfied folks from South Sudan regional entities: Upper Nile region, Equatorial region and Bhar-el-ghazal regions organized themselves for open military training leadership in the Torit town in the Equatorial region for potential uprising campaigns against the Old Sudan, which recently brokered independence from the British colonial powers with series twin causations: No proper power monopoly in the Old Sudan government and implicit wealth and resource-sharing mandate and lack of religious freedoms regardless of heritageswhether from the Middle East Arabian(ics) descents and/or from the ‘pariah’ of African heritage descents. The Old Sudan as they brokered independence from British colonial powers, but were arrogantly possessed and obsessed with the sensation of ‘Sudanism’ regardless of where your heritages stemmed and entailed. But Old Sudan had political and social intentions to foster campaigns against the so-called ‘marginalized of marginalized’ later stipulated down in the utopian and political ideology of ‘New South Sudan’ visions to advance ‘democratic changes’ from bottom-up ‘piece-meal’ approach by ‘ taking towns, social and political services to people in the neglected localities in the Old Sudan playing books instead of taking those ‘marginalized people’ and services to towns without teaching given ethnic groups and indigenous folks how to fish for themselves to upgrade their old survival modes and social mobility strategies. There was not any clear-cutting edges ‘forward’ thinking to fix their political and social tangible issues such as encouraging local economies to compete in the global markets and encouraging other physical structures and issues in upgrading their farming lands and with hidden visions to drain out river Nile through building of ‘Jonglei Canal’ across the heart lands of Upper Nile legalized regions and with end-goals to leave them without proper drinking water and with possibility to residential livestock pasture dry-up in the long-term.
Transferring of river Nile water monitoring authority to Egyptian brokering authorities in the concert and cluster move with Old Khartoum Sudan was a major issue that factorized into ‘in and out’ Anya-Nya I troops attack campaigns against the Old Sudan solely monopolized power entity and resources freeze to the expenses of the North Sudan of ‘Mahdhist’ Arabic descent people and disregarded local ethnic groups participations in wealth sharing dividends in the three regionally areas: Upper Nile region, Equatorial regions and Bhar-el ghazal regions.
These potential South Sudan ‘Anya-Nya One’ led military and political campaigns against the old Sudan independence brokered between itself and the British colonial oversees boma-like powers without recognitions of South Sudan in the colonial independent package dividends continued from 1956, the one side ‘memorial’ independent period until the South Sudan political organizations famously referred to as ‘Anya-Nya I’ toadvance their political and social change agendas. South Sudan in the conceptual frameworks was not a legally recognized country, however they silently decided on their own to form their governing leaderships in the Torit town in the sky-overhang mountainous main-lands of Equatorial regions and selected their Anya-nya I political uprising known in local Arabic language as ‘intifidas’ leader, Joseph Lagu from Equatorial region to lead through out the forseeable struggles and tribulations later incurred and encountered. They subsequently left aside a lawyer by training from Anya-nya I leadership, Abel Alier Kwai from the Upper Nile region present-day Jonglei State in Bor South County.
Anya-nya I, the potential political and social organizations stayed in the bush and always frequently on the verge of run through out those years from the Old Sudan-Khartoum regime after independent dividends under the sole leaderships of Joseph Lagu and the contesting lawyer trained figure in the North Sudan to liberate South Sudan within from Political and Social dissatisfactions . A lawyer by training, Abel Alier Kwai stayed foot in the Khartoum in the North Sudan until when the 1972 Addis-abba agreement was due to broker in Ethiopia head-quarter.
Both sides contesting political entities were internationally and regionally summoned to sign peace agreement dividends overcontesting political and social issues recurred right after Old Sudan brokered independence package mandate with British colonial powers without proper power monopoly and resource-sharings and border demarcations laid out clearly in the independences from British colonial entity. Joseph Lagu, the Nya-Nya I led political and social changes movement convincingly sat down with Old Sudan leaderships in Addis-abba in Ethiopia with cutting-edge supervisions from regionalorganizations, the African Union (AU) and international power sharing brokers in the unified government to bring ‘ the so-called ‘lasting’ peace in the most devastated wealth-rich country to the ‘pariah’ people of South Sudan.
After signing of the 1972 Addis-abbas protocols agreement over potential stipulated agendas in the ‘political play manuscripts’, the Anya-nya I political organizations: the previous campaign entity and the Old Sudan combined stopped and came up with plans to select South Sudanese leadership figures to be incorporated in the unified government to participate fully in the rogue government of Khartoum and former rebel ‘Anya-nya I leader, Joseph Lagu over those lasting years did not become the deputy Prime Minister in the unified power-sharing government to run Old Sudan after all those years of tribulations and hardships incurred since 1956 right after independence from British oversees boma-like administrations until the 1972 Addis-Abbas agreement. A lawyer by training, Abel Alier Kwai became a deputy Prime Minister in the Unified Sudan government and the Prime Minister of three regional areas of Upper Nile, Equatorial regions and Bhar-el ghazal regions. These three regional areas: Upper Nile regions, Equatorial regions and Bhar- el ghazal regions today became known and/or referred to as South Sudan today.
South Sudanese political and social leaders were not totally satisfied with the new unified Khartoum government and this was fostered by low dissatisfactions stipulated in the 1972 Anya-Nya I agreement over improper representations and imbalance of power monopoly from the Old North Sudan behaviors and improper wealth-sharings, river Nile authority arrangements, Jonglei canal drillings across the heart land of Upper Nile regions to drain out water from Nile river for foreseeable dry up and boundary demarcations between regionally recognized South Sudan famously referred to as ‘Junub’ in local Arabic language jargons. These unified Khartoum governmental entities without potential six-years terms protocols for general referendum elections for secessionagreed for regime change and to install new leaderships. Regional South Sudan government led by Abel Alier Kwai and the North Sudan were ‘heads and necks’ pinching one another to the corner without implementation accomplishments to attain ‘proper and sound’ implementations over certain protocols signed in 1972 Addis Abbas agreement. Properly both contesting sides administering entities were probably planning long-term attack tactics entailed in the previous campaigns for either unified and/or independent two countries: South Sudan and North Sudan to achieve full implementations stipulated in the 1972 Addis- Abbas agreements.
This fighting within the unified government led to disengagement from the Old Sudan and this is now referred to as 1983 Civil War according to the South Sudanese history narrative. It was a war fueled and triggered by disengagement from Old Sudan over some impending issues stipulated in 1972 Addis-Abbas agreements: Power monopoly, improper wealth sharing, border demarcations, river Nile authority arrangement, Abyei ownership, Blue Nile and Nuba Mountain areas administrations.
After a robust diagnostics and critiques, the Nya-Nya I political organizations was dismantled and replaced with South Sudaneseliberation Party (SPLM), however the Anya-nya I political agendas stipulated in the 1972 Addis-Abbas agreement were passed on to the new feisty political organizations after extensive meetings and compromises among South Sudanese leadership councils within the Old Sudan and in the regional South Sudan. Joseph Lagu felt relieved from the onslaught treatments to which he was demoted from the unified Old Sudan administrations and regional South Sudan highest position in the face of earth was brokered and issued to the lawyer by training Abel Alier Kwai. It was first disappointing to the Anya-nya I leader, Joseph Lagu until his agendas and platforms were consolidated and taken by the new leadership of 1983 civil war organizers.
Easier said than done, 1983 civil war took two decades in the bush fighting against the Old Sudan to which 1956 Anya-nya I political organizations had tried for years until quasi-compromises in the 1972 Addis-abbas agreements for unified government. Hurdles like ‘man power’ and logistics were deteriorating in the frontline and at home. More people were dying and it was hard to scrutinize and generate more people to join the SPLM rebellious political organization to continue disengagement fighting against the Old Sudan.
Getting messages to the grass-root silent majority people at South Sudan regional homes, was tough and odd impediments since thousands of thousands of people who were enlisted in the South Sudan Liberation organizations (SPLM) did not come back to their respective regions and localities. So organization crippled for those years in the bush without quick accomplishments for liberations as it was first envisioned and said to achieve with arm struggles.
Famine, pandemics diseases and starvation strike kicked-in at home and in the frontline since there were not any resources to support liberation armies and leadership. This was also the ‘Cold War’ period where arms and ammunitions were easier trapped in the hands of liberation regimes-----freedom fighters-- and this must what have happened in the South Sudan where they generated their fighting ammunitions to continue fighting with little resources to afford buying. South Sudan liberations organization eventually experienced ‘Cold War’ containment in 1990s in Ethiopia when leader experienced a coup de’tat from the Eriteria. Of course, Ethiopian government before it hasexperienced and encountered disbandment from its ‘sphere of power’ region, Eriteria, was very helpful and supportive to ongoing disengagement of South Sudan Liberation political organizations against the Old Sudan to which Ethiopia hosted and brokered in the 1972 Addis-Abbas agreement. This was a beginning of ‘regime change’ in the Ethiopia since its ‘sphere of influence’ region, Eriteria, broke away from its administrationsand benignant hegemony and so were South Sudan Liberation political organizations. South Sudanese liberation leadership later conferred after long escapes from involvement in the Ethiopian domestics calamities which resulted in the regime change and new administrations, which was not friendly and foreign to the South Sudanese liberation political organizations.
Thousands of thousands of South Sudanese, who fled fighting in the country, left Ethiopia in disarray to find resettlement in the bordering East Africa countries like Kenya. They trekked for thousand miles with bare-foot(s) after long bloody fighting and calamity in Ethiopia with poor shelters and food security in the way to Kenya and to Equatorial region, South Sudan. Tons of South Sudanese people unlike Ethiopian people perished and decomposed in the way because they did not have something to eat and place to sleep and water to drink and hence, they dehydrated and literally collapsed in the way without emergency organizations to collect and take them for Loki town in Kenya, where they have stationed non-for-profit organizations like the United Nations Commission for Refugee Resettlements (UNHCR), the World Food Programs (WFP), the Lutheran World Food Federations (LWF), the CARE international, and the American Red Cross medical dispensing organizations.
As civilian South Sudanese people arrived in Loki town, Kenya for short and long-term refugee resettlements, United Nations led organizations embraced them with life-saving food security, shelters, and medical treatments and later scheduled them for displacement uplifting with train-like convoy vehicles for Kakuma Refugee Camps in the Turkana district area. People by and at large experienced warm-welcomed by the United Nations led organizations that they gave them lives, but literally hope sowed and disseminated in their hearts and minds after long tribulations and calamities within their country and in the regional country like Ethiopia.
South Sudanese liberation leadership and its political organization (SPLM), on the other hand, felt relieved since its civilians were warm-welcomed in the regional country, Kenya by the United Nations led non-for-profit international organizations. They became energized and highly supported since its civilians found ‘bravery hope’ inseminated and sowed in its people’s lives after long trek from their home country to-be and as well as from regional country, Ethiopia. South Sudanese liberations in meantime resumed its military operations and disengagement in the South Sudanese areas to curb back Old Sudan armies from taking hold in the key towns and cities in the South Sudan.
South Sudanese Liberation organizations and leadership decided to discuss some of foreseeable problems and of course 1991 Nuer defections from the mainstream SPLM party. After days of contemplations within, the South Sudanese liberations factions and leadership held a cutting edge conference in Chukum town in Equatorial region to resettle issues and political spat that splitted them apart with the so-called ‘Nasir defection’ also known as “1991 massacre” since they possessed sophiscated manpower and courages with mono-ethnic ambitions for expansion that would have been a great surge against the Khartoum regime. Out of the Chukum meeting, a lot of issues that had weakened and mitigated South Sudanese liberations arm struggles were thoroughly discussed and agendas was to resolve while first stopped the ‘Nasir defection’, which had basisand stronghold in Panyagor town, in Twic East County, Jonglei State, South Sudan with its rumor Khartoum affiliates since there was not any strong and viable evidences for connections.
In 1993, portion of South Sudanese liberation troops were heavily equipped and sent to Panyagor town, in Twic East County, Jonglei State for intention to fight Nuer-Nasir insurgency in the area while the rest of troops remained in the Equatorial regions and other parts of South Sudan to continue fighting with Khartuom led mercenary militias and its main armies. Right in the dawn, January 1993, South Sudanese liberations troops arrived and ignited counter-insurgency fight against Nasir Insurgency in Panyagor town, Twic East County, Jonglei State, South Sudan. It was a heavy fighting and was fought for two days interval to curb them out of the areas. As Nasir insurgency was defeated, they were chased upto their horizons of homestead areas like Ayod County and beyond. The mainstream South Sudanese liberation troops sent a successful telegraphic messages back to the leaderships and rhetoric decisions to defeat counter-insurgency fighting against Nasir sectarian fighting was to make Panyagor town a headquarter for South Sudanese troops and to also sow ‘cluster bombs’ landmines surrounding Panyagor town in Twic East County to help fighting Nasir insurgent-back attacks. It was implemented and ‘cluster bomb’ were sowed in the lands to strike them as they put their feet again in the Twic East County soils unless they come for other compromises like peace and solidarity messages for re-unifications as ‘one’ solitaire ‘marginalized of marginalized people’ and the pariah of South Sudan from the known Khartoum regime and administrations.
Of course, Nuer-Nasir insurgency eventually raised two attacks against South Sudanese liberation troops based in Panyagor town, Twic East County. These insurgent attacks were known as ‘one- eyed man led’ insurgency in 1994, meaning ‘Nuer e Nyin-tok’ in Dinka language and the other was ‘landmined-fought’ attack. They were defeated again consecutively with those two attacks they raised against South Sudanese troops in Panyagor town in Twic East County. Other two Counties: Bor South County was partially occupied by Khartoum led armies in the Bor Town and Duk County was left alone without civilians in the area, but it was a counter-insurgency fighting zones with rest of Twic East County.
South Sudan Reliefs and Rehabilitation(SSRR) organizations was briefed so that they can talk with the United Nations charter organizations like World Food Programme(WFP) to supply foods and shelters to the civilians returned from Nasir-Insurgency and from their hiding areas along the river Nile basins swamps known as ‘tioc’ in Dinka languages. Civilians later arrived to Twic East County from river Nile basins after years of hiding since Nuer-Nasir led insurgency occupation and massacre in 1991-1993, two years-fold intensive occupations. Other civilians were resettling in the Twic East County with exception of Duk County, they consolidated ‘insecurity and protections’ reports to the South Sudan leaderships as well as to the United Nations-World Food Programme (WFPs) field representative John Pakaahr. That is pretty-much spelling of his last as I recalled and you can do a field research by going to Twic East County to find out from the ground or look him up in the United Nations employee records for euthenticity. After consolidating reports regarding insecurity and protections of civilians, South Sudanese leadership seized and stationed troops around the Bor Town areas to curb those Khartoum-led armies.
And after receiving consolidating reports regarding ‘protections of civilians’ stipulated in UN charter book chapter VII, more or high volume of food security supplies arrived in Panyagor town since Nuer-Nasir insurgency were defeated until January 1999 when I flew for Loki town, Kenya with number of passengers.Lives and reconstructions were improving and basic educations were also put in place from Primary One (1) upto Primary six (6) in both Panyagor town and Pawel town, in Twic East County, Jonglei State unlike in other payam districts. There was not any kind of basic educations established since the strategy was to keep people in one place for potential insecurity in the areas. So majority of civilians that come from either river Nile basin areas or Equatorial areas were clustered together in the suburbian areas of Panyagor town and Pawel town and this place is known today as ‘Pataat’ areas in Dinka language, meaning disorganized inhabitation areas. Before I flew for Loki town, Kenya, I was dwelling in Pataat suburbian area and our house with few yards farming field was closer to the landing airstrip in the compass ‘South side’ of Panyagor town and on the compass East side of Pawel town, Twic East County, South Sudan.However, South Sudan liberation troops were still in place and ‘cluster bomb’ landmines were not demined and/or unearthed for potential foreseeable attacks from Nuer-Nasir insurgency.
Logistics and procurement infrastructure was difficult and risky. And most of United Nations (UN) led supplies were channeled into the airspaces only with high and sophisticated security in the latitude flying air-zones. There were two (2) landing air-strips allocated that were much safer for United Nations (UN)led organizations to land: Panyagor town ‘airport’ and ‘Pa-Nueer’ air-strip in Bor South County in the heartland of ‘Anydi and Abii’ payam districts. We made a friendly visit in barefoot with my father colleagues Mach Mel from Paleek sectarian clan in 1994 and other young man, Manyok from Duk County. And we have seen and witnessed that time frame ongoing situations in the Bor South County to which Khartoum mercenary armies were based in Bor Town. We heard from trusted intelligence that these Khartuom armies stationed in Bor Town had tons of foods since they had ferry ships coming back and forth to Bor Town through the river Nile streams. Probably they had a navy since river Nile was a great leeway for them at the time and river Nile authority arrangement was also put in the hands of Egyptians. It was heart-breaking and frightening experiences in that one (1) year interval in the Bor South County with Mach Mel, Manyok from Duk County and me from Kongor payam, Twic East County. We also paid a friendly visit to Malek Academy (it was a colonial theology school), which was missionaries training academy before 1956 independence to which South Sudan missionary Gordon Macuor probably from England, was trained theologist and later was assassinated in Khartoum. Devastated areas of Jonglei state were being fed through those two airports and of course, they were heavily guarded so that enemies do not ‘hijack’ United Nations (UN) led operations in the areas. There was a good and spectacular communication leverages put in place between the Jonglei State and Loki town-Kenya, the UN basis area in the time of civil war and insurgency. Each United Nations employees had seventy-seventy (‘77’) short ranged radio and it was mostly held in the pocket---very popular.
Farming tools and seeds were distributed to civilians in both Counties: Bor South County and Twic East County. It was a second plan strategy known as ‘exit strategy’ so that they started to flourish and thrive on their own pace instead of UN food security dependency. Most people in the time had highly welcomed this exit plan strategy and they subsequently began farming whilst civil war was being fought in the part of the country, especially in Equatorial regions. During our one (1) year interval with my father long time friend and/or colleagues Mach Mel from Paleek sectarian clans and nearly aged-mate Manyok from Duk County, brought three(3) small seedling sacks to Bor South County, place known as ‘Waar-e-Mel’ meaning in Dinka language, the family of Mel water borehole.We visited near-by livestock camp known as ‘Mai-thok’, which historically belongs to Paleek community, or ‘dhien’ in Dinka language and there was a small chapel built in the centre of ‘Waar-e-Mel’ suburbian town. Of course, we later returned back for Panyagor town, where Mach Mel was working for GOAL organizations, which feeds, educates and shelter orphanages of wreckage country together with Garang Kuei Mel, Ameth Deng Wel and many other GOAL staff. They were tons of non-profit organizations that came to Panyagor town through United Nations led humanitarian operations in South Sudan. Also my father, Wuor Deng Joak was working for GOAL organizations and people I mentioned were his high ranking bosses for GOAL-Panyagor. I did not find this organization operating in Panyagor town during my recent trip in April 2010. Almost all orphanages were taken back by closer and extended relatives and of course, it was hand-over responsibilities with complicated paper-works. Sadly GOAL manager Garang Kuei Mel from Paleek sectarian clan, Bor South County was deceased of certain pandemic diseases of war-time and post-war. And Mach Mel and nicknamed Amet-Deng Wel are still alive. I physically met with Mach Mel in Bor Town in 2012 before I departed for America after two (2) years family visit after decades away without seeing them. A trained veterinary Amet-Deng Wel is now an animal doctor, the veterinary doctor in South Sudan and He isstill a big boss and He used to flight back and forth for Loki town-Kenya and Panyagor town, South Sudan. Unfortunately I did not meet with him and He was probably travelling inside the South Sudan and it would have been great if we re-unioned again after decades away without seeing one another. They were a great bosses and friends of my dady, Wuor Deng Joak.
Right before signing 1983-2005 North-South Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Naivasha-Kenya, 1991-1993 Nuer-Nasir insurgency leader Dr. Riek Machar from Unity State made a compromise in Nairobi-Kenya. ‘Better late rather than nothing’ put in place. He is smart man, however he was misled by power monopoly and ethnic ambitions to who would lead people better out of bondage. And of course, there must be other multi-causalities and implications that had contributed in his decisions to defect from the mainstream South Sudan liberation organization. He was later made to be a third-person in the South Sudan leadership hierarchy and yet he becomes a current vice-president of South Sudan in the cabinet of presidency, although he betrayed the South Sudan struggles and tribulations against the Khartoum regime. That Nairobi-Kenya two-man agreement with late Dr. John Garang Mabior becomes an amnesty, but it would not let run for presidency in the future—probably and who knows he might run. Unfortunately he lost his wife, Emma from United Kingdom and it was a great tragedy of the ‘1991-1993 Nuer-Nasir insurgency’against the mainstream South Sudan liberation organizations, SPLM party. She was monumental in the South Sudanese struggles and tribulations, and it was only she was misled and aligned herself to ethnic defections of 1991. She did not kill in the counter-insurgency fighting zones; she died by accident in Nairobi, Kenya before her husband Dr. Riek Machar made a decision to re-unite with South Sudan liberation organizations rather than splitting apart from the mainstream political organization to which he used to be a participant and a novice contributor with high ranking commands. He was a commander with five stars before he defected from vivid recall. Since you might want to know more about her, just go to Google scholarand type ‘Emma war’ book title written and dedicated to her by her United Kingdoms mother. It is great tragedy and marvelous lost for South Sudan. Hope she stays until the South Sudan became a country in 2011 since signing of 2005 six(6) protocols for six years interval for referendum and lastly seceded at last in 2011 of fifty-plus one(50 plus 1) vote for secession from Khartoum regime, Old Sudan.
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